Bernette A. Mosley-Dozier
The Problems Persist Here
The first port of call for most Haitians has been Miami, Florida. For others, it has been territories and protectorates of the U.S. Some have been rejected by all possible havens and for countless others, their first and last voyage has ended in the icy depths of the Caribbean Sea. Since 1971, about 10,000 or more Haitians have sought refuge in America. They have neither been well received, nor easily understood. They have been imprisoned , exploited and neglected by the American government. In 1981, President Reagan ordered that the Coast Guard interdict (stop and search) all Haitian vessels travelling in the waters between Haiti and the U.S. Coast Guard captains were empowered to interview and determine the justice of the individuals’ pleas for asylum. They were further empowered to return any suspicious claimants to Haiti, to their certain punishment, and possible deaths. This led to great furor by Americans in sympathy with Haitian problems.
Haitians have routinely been detained in abandonned military camps or rounded up and jailed, awaiting possible deportation. Efforts on their behalf have been consistent but not terribly effective. Throughout the Reagan years, Haitian immigrants were the victims of a cruel and almost vindictive, federal policy.
When they have either been granted asylum or have been allowed to slip into the mainstream of America, the social and economic picture has often been bleak. Those still in camps or prisons have been subject to severe depression and suicide attempts. These people left oppression, filth and poverty only to find themselves in similar conditions on American soil. The golden land of opportunity has held little opportunity for these people from Haiti. Jobs have not been easy to find for the poorly educated, poorly skilled with no command of the country’s dominant language.
The majority of the Haitians speak a patois of French, African dialect, Arawak and a little Spanish. This is Creole, a recognized dialaect having no written dictionary or grammatical structure. They don’t speak erudite French Haiti’s official language, since most of the people are to poor too afford the time to attend the free public schools. Of course, English was not heard except from tourists, so was not learned. Consequently, the only jobs available to Haitian immigrants have been the lowest paying, least desirable jobs. Many have had to turn to migrant farm labor for subsistence wages. As farm workers, they have been exploited cruelly by the recruiters who promise them high wages and deliver little in return. The high wages only come if the worker can pick a specified high yield per day; if he doesn’t have competition from other work crews in the same field; and if he can, somehow, avoid all the expenses the company charges him. The laborers are charged for transportation to the fields, for food, shelter and miscellaneous extras. The men and women aren’t paid if they can’t pick because of weather conditions. The company organizer can often keep workers in virtual slavery through debt to the commissary or threat of job termination. The growers, as well as the company owners, encourage use of Haitian labor. These non-English speakers with no political voice are unaware of labor rights, due process procedures or redress of grievances. They know nothing of minimum wage, worker’s compensation or social security. Those who are illegal aliens can’t complain for fear of governmental reprisals. Nor can they apply for assistance if laid off or fired. Language is a serious barrier to assimilation and adjustment.
The Haitian community has survived by helping each other. The more acclimated Haitians help newcomers with shelter, clothing and sometimes jobs. The U.S. government has not been supportive to Haitians. Whereas Cuban and Southeast Asian boat people received a welcome and government and community aid, Haitian boat people have received disdain and prejudice. Other refugees have had American sponsors or governmental agencies to house them, Haitians have lived in packing crates, refugee camps or crowded two and three families in a one family apartment. 1980 statistics showed that only about 6% of the Haitian population was legally employed and received the minimum wage. The other 94% get far less than the national minimum. Fear of deportation or loss of job keeps an economic blackmail, an extortion and exploitation situation cycle alive. For the poor and oppressed Haitian, there has been little difference between the horrors of Haiti and the horrors of the United States.
